Antony neither took the cancellation decision to the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) nor consulted any other senior member of the Cabinet when he made the decisive move. Sources said the MoD sees no need for time-consuming consultations, and now might send only the final contract termination notice for law ministry's examination.
This perhaps is the only instance of this kind where a decision of this magnitude had been taken without running it past the PMO. The significance of "unilateralism" is best indicated by the fact that the VVIP helicopter deal will be the biggest defence contract to have been scrapped if Antony chooses to go the full distance.
The show of autonomy is reflective of Antony's resolve to protect his turf, especially when it comes to dealing with corruption. Many close to him see the latest scandal as the "agnipariksha'', which would decide his legacy in the ministry.
He has often been criticised for waffling on crucial decisions including modernisation of the armed forces, but Antony has shown little inclination to divert from his "zero threshold" stance on corruption, blacklisting and penalizing firms as soon as charges of corruption against them are established.
While many don't see much merit in blacklisting and cancellation of contracts, Antony has carried on regardless, earning for himself a unique distinction in the process: In his six years as defence minister, he has blacklisted more companies than all his predecessors combined. The six companies he has blacklisted include Singapore Technology Kinetics, German conglomerate Rheinmetall and Israel Military Industries (IMI). He also invoked the integrity pact to recover the Rs 224-crore bank guarantee from IMI.
This is besides his decision to call in both the CBI and the Enforcement Directorate on the complaints against middleman Abhishek Verma.
In all those instances Antony came under tremendous pressure from politicians, including some from his own party, and diplomats. Many of the meetings of ambassadors with him during these six years were marked by protests against his decisions, one official pointed out.
But all the pressure came after he had taken the decision. "Even when you point out to him difficulties caused by widespread blacklisting of big international firms, his refrain is: Let the law take its course," says a senior official.
"His concerns about others trying to unduly influence, adversely or otherwise, his stand on corruption may be the reason behind this turf protection," another senior official said. So, Antony didn't wait for the wisdom of larger consultations: something which does regularly while taking political decisions.
In the latest case, while the MoD was in touch with the ministry of external affairs (MEA), Indian missions and others for the past several months, it did not consult anyone before issuing the termination show-cause notice.
There may be a reason for Antony's reluctance to wait for inputs from other ministries. In the VVIP chopper deal, it discovered that his sense of urgency with regard to investigating corruption charges is not always shared by other wings. The first official communication from MoD to the Indian Embassy in Rome inquiring about allegations of corruption by Finmeccanica and its subsidiary AgustaWestland had gone out at the first sniff of sleaze; as early as February 2012 from the ministry's director-general (acquisitions).
The communication to the Indian Embassy in Rome was followed by another letter in April, 2012. It was in May, 2012 that the Embassy replied saying it was very difficult to obtain formal details because of the independence of judiciary from the executive. The MoD wrote in July, 2012 and the defence secretary wrote to MEA's secretary (west) in October, 2012. The exchanges continued with no concrete result.
Antony has since been accused of not acting promptly when the allegations of corruption first surfaced.
So, this time once the court documents were filed this week in Italy, MOD obtained them from the court's website. And the IAF engaged a translator. Once this translation was available to the ministry, Antony ordered the cancellation. One senior official said there was no discussion even about the need for sending the show-cause notice for legal scrutiny.
Antony's possessive stand on protecting his turf, especially when it comes to action against corruption, is intricately linked to his reputation in public life. And possible fear of undue influence being brought on him on issues related to corruption.
But administering India's defence ministry is not an easy task, a fact Antony has learned in the most difficult way. In the six years that he has been in South Block, several controversies have shaken it up, and often many used it to question the senior Congress leader's qualifications to administer the complex ministry.
Antony has been withstanding even the collective wisdom of his cabinet colleagues on many of the most controversial issues, despite criticisms about his decisions. This lonely pursuit of certain decisions was most noticeable when a recalcitrant former Army chief General V K Singh put up a fight over his age. In January 2012 when Gen Singh went to Supreme Court, Antony was flooded with recommendations from his cabinet colleagues and other politicians to sack the Army chief. However, he stood his ground, and let Gen Singh retire in normal course. Many thought, especially after intelligence inputs emerged about unauthorised troop movement towards Delhi when Gen Singh went to court, that Antony was more lenient than necessary.
This time, many who work closely with him, argue that Antony wouldn't show any such leniency, nor would be open to counsel. For him, it is the way how he handles the VVIP chopper scam which could decide his political legacy.
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